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The return trip from Boris Johnson to an inclusive conservatism

December 13, 2019
Gráfico con el resultado de las elecciones en Reino Unido

Graph with the result of the elections in the United Kingdom – EPDATA

The 'premier' appeals to the “cure”, a tacit recognition of the division encouraged by its hardness with Brexit


The Boris Johnson election ordage prize opens a space of opportunity for the British Prime Minister to redefine what leader he wants to be, if the leader of an inclusive government that has different sensibilities and the new social spectrum that underpinned his presence in the Number 10, or a president caught by the Brexit dictatorship, obsessed by unfounded sovereignist sophlamas and unable to prioritize political and economic pragmatism.

His first institutional intervention in Downing Street after being officially ratified by Queen Elizabeth II offers robust indications that the hegemony obtained has begun to facilitate the first facet gain traction and that the approach that had marked his journey as the liberal and centrist mayor of London weighs more than the activist of the warmongering rhetoric he had become since the 2016 referendum was called.

Concluded a tough campaign, its tone has undergone a significant transformation that suggests that the 'premier' understands the need of the United Kingdom to overcome the fracture in which it has been plunged for three and a half years. His direct appeal to unity reveals an assumption of responsibility so far absent and his invocation to “allow healing to begin” represents a tacit admission of the moral obligation imposed by his victory at the polls.

The mantra 'Materialize the Brexit' that had guided its way to reelection has been quickly replaced by a new concept designed to reformulate Johnson's perception on the street: 'A Government of the people', a slogan that ironically reminds the 'Vote of the people' ('People's Vote', in English), the campaign in favor of a second referendum whose death certificate has been dispensed by Johnson's overwhelming victory.


The motto was reflected for the first time on the wall before which he appeared in his first speech of victory, this morning before conservative activists, but his statement before the official residence gives him the closest thing to institutional rank.

Beyond the cold reality of the levels of statistical approval, during the race for the Number 10 Johnson saw the animosity that generates in a significant percentage of the population and, with the five years that his majority of more than 80 seats have allowed him buy, seems determined to initiate the “healing” he claims for British society.

Not surprisingly, the trip he has starred in since the plebiscite is as extraordinary as the recovery of the Conservative Party almost a decade after his return to power in a coalition government, after 13 years of Labor hegemony.

The imminent process of identity search in the opposition and the incontestable results of Thursday anticipate a new era of 'tory' domain, in which the preferences of its head of ranks both in terms of leaving the European Union, and integration into house will mark the fate of one of the most resistant electoral acronym in Europe.

In fact, if there is a profile that fits the evolutionary theory of the British right, it is that of Boris Johnson. Conservatives do not need a line to win, their line is to win, a tactic that the current 'premier' has applied throughout his professional career, first in journalism and, later, in politics, and that this December 12 It has generated a radical restructuring of the ideological boundaries and supporters of the fifth world economy.

The first dilemma you have to solve is how you interpret the citizenship blank check. His premiere as a candidate in a generals has reported the best results for his match since Margaret Thatcher in 1987, so the dilemma forces him to choose whether it is an endorsement of the polarization imbued since his rise to leadership in July, or the occasion to employ the healthy advantage to unify a deeply divided country since the 2016 referendum.


A year ago, Johnson was a mere deputy, having resigned as foreign minister five months earlier because of his disagreement with the divorce plan proposed by Theresa May. Analyzed with perspective, its march seems like one more piece of a strategy carefully prepared to take it to where it is today: Number 10 and endorsed as the most successful conservative leader of the last three decades.

The electoral advance was a risk in which he could lose everything, so that the success is twofold and the power that gives him, absolute, both to decide Brexit formula, and to reconfigure the vocation of a Conservative Party that owes its results fundamentally to the support of the working classes of the north and of the interior of England, who have massively abandoned the warmth of Labor with Brexit and have given themselves for the first time to the acronyms that had promised them to materialize it.

Johnson is not, in fact, an divorce ideologist, but an expert in adapting his message to the circumstances. At first he had supported the exit more as a strategic movement to reinforce his successive ambitions than by a vital yearning to cut ties with the continent, so the return trip is open for those who have achieved their purpose and have to decide how to use it .